Monthly Archives: March 2010

Efficiency Wars, by Colin Talbot

The first Efficiency Wars occurred in 2004, in the run-up to the last General Election the following year. Labour’s Gershon £21.5bn was pitted against the Tories’ James £30bn as the parties vied to show who would run the public sector better.
The context could not have been more different from today. The economy was booming. Public spending was increasing. Both the main parties were signed up to more or less the same spending totals. Deficits were small, but significant, but no-one seemed too fussed about that.
The Tories made the initial running, raising the efficiency issue to say ‘we would spend as much as Labour, but we would spend it better’. Their review, carried out by businessman David James, purported to find £30bn of savings, although some of these were explicitly cuts rather than efficiency savings. Labour quickly launched the Gershon Review, with their own pet businessman Sir Peter Gershon, in charge. The rest, as they say, is history….. but instructive history.
The Labour government claims that they met their Gershon targets. The National Audit Office begged to differ – they found that only about a quarter of the reported efficiencies were safe, about half were doubtful but represented some degree of savings and the final quarter were definitely unsafe.
This follows a pattern – previous reforms and efficiency drives in government such as the Rayner efficiency scrutinies of the early 1980s and the ‘market testing’ and ‘Next Steps’ early 1990s all ended saving only about half of what they promised. Gershon in that respect seems to have followed the usual pattern.
In fact, some aspects of Gershon were far worse. Whilst the Department of Health was claiming huge efficiency savings in the mid-Noughties, the Office of National Statistics demonstrated that health service productivity was actually falling. Whilst HM Revenue and Customs were claiming efficiency savings of over half a billion, they simultaneously managed to overpay tax credits by a staggering £7bn or so (and underpay another £2bn).
This was because Gershon (and the NAO) tended to measure narrow aspects of efficiency in particular areas without looking at the overall productivity of systems – it is pretty clear that in a number of areas such as health, education, and tax/benefits, overall productivity was probably falling.
One small and somewhat farcical sideshow to the Efficiency Wars is that the Conservatives have now recruited Sir Peter Gershon to advise them on efficiency savings – the same Peter Gershon who’s programme for the Labour government they have spent huge energy on rubbishing over the past six years. Now, apparently, it would be ‘difficult to find’ a ‘more qualified’ person – funny, they didn’t say that before.
Much of this didn’t matter so much when public spending was rising – it simply meant that public services didn’t improve in quantity and quality quite as much as they might have done otherwise. But when resources are being squeezed, the results of fantasy efficiency games will prove painful – services will undoubtedly get worse. It might suit the politicians – and they are all at it – to claim they are just making ‘efficiency savings’ whilst ‘protecting the frontline’. We will all soon enough realise just how much flannel that is.
So the first time round it was farcical, this time it will be tragic. Read more...

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Total place: the next steps, by John Tizard

Last week I wrote a piece for the PF blog suggesting that the chancellor could launch a revolution by pushing the ‘go’ button for Total Place in his Budget statement.  While local authorities and their partners did not have to wait for Alistair Darling or anyone else in Whitehall or Westminster to drive forward with their Total Place initiatives, central government has a role to play in facilitating its development. Read more...

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A half-and-half Budget, by Ian Mulheirn

This week’s Budget appears to have attracted attention for two things that aren’t really news. First, while the government’s economic growth projections are more optimistic than the City’s, it’s surprising that anyone takes any economic forecasting seriously at all after the performance of these economic soothsayers over the past two years. Read more...

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Curiouser and curiouser, by Mike Thatcher

Listening to Chancellor Alistair Darling’s reassuring tones in this week’s Budget, one could easily believe that the crisis is over. Read more...

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Touting for business, by Robert Shrimsley

There’s nothing inherently wrong with lobbyists hiring former ministers. What is wrong is MPs being paid to push causes. But we get the politicians we pay for Read more...

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Screen savers, by John Thornton

In an increasingly digital world, all nations are vulnerable to cyber attacks that can paralyse services. Is the UK prepared? Read more...

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Banking on change, by Angela Knight

Banks are neither all bad nor the sole cause of the financial crisis. It’s time we had a grown-up debate about what to do next Read more...

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A Budget for homes? by Centre for Cities

Housing made the headlines in yesterday’s Budget, but the announcements on stamp duty will do little to tackle the sector’s underlying problems.  First-time buyers will no longer pay tax on purchases up to £250,000, a move financed by a new 5% rate on homes over £1m.  Politically, this is quite clever, since the rise affects only the top 1% of homes, but accounts for over 10% of the revenue. Read more...

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The hidden Budget, by Jon Sibson

On the face of it, the budget was a quiet one for the public sector. The chancellor was clear that he was broadly going to stick to his spending plans for next year, 2010/11. As expected, there was no appetite to tighten spending in the weeks before an election. Read more...

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Doubling up on public money, by Mark Bramah

It might be convenient to view public spending as merely a huge drain on national resources. But all those who are so intent on slashing public spending to the barest bone should pause for thought – starting with Wednesday’s Budget. Wielding public procurement power of some £175bn more effectively could, in fact, produce huge benefits. Read more...

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